Private Military and Security Companies as Legitimate Governors: From Barricades to Boardrooms by Berenike Prem

Author:Berenike Prem [Prem, Berenike]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781138330436
Google: Fo5buQEACAAJ
Goodreads: 40758307
Publisher: Gower
Published: 2019-06-24T00:00:00+00:00

5.4.2 Patriotic heroes

Next to the image as noble caregivers, companies vindicated their reputation against charges of war profiteering by presenting their staff as “patriotic heroes.” PMSCs stressed that they did not only work for their home state, the US primarily; they also strongly identified with it. Their motivation to join the ranks of a PMSC was framed as a calling to serve the nation. Thus, patriotism instead of mercenary greed underlay their business. The idea that the use of force can be considered morally just if it is used for nationalist purposes and by patriotically motivated citizens goes back to the nineteenth century when European states began turning to citizen armies. According to Percy (2007c), it reflects a new relationship between states and citizens which are bound by a common national identity. This bond ensured that the citizen soldier was effectively invested in the mission whereas the use of foreigners fighting for money was considered to have negative effects on the morale and performance of the military. As a result, “warfare became something that could only be honourably fought by someone with a personal stake in the matter” (Percy 2007c: 122).

Overall, notions of national pride, duty, and volunteerism ranked high in the industry’s account. PMSCs contended that they were “extremely proud of answering that call in supporting our country” (Prince 2007b), of continuing their obligation to the state in a civilian capacity – as a US contractor (Academi 2013f; Ballhaus 2009b: 2; Howell 2007; Roitz 2009). They “volunteer” (DynCorp International 2013n; Prince 2007b) to “put their lives on the line daily in the service of our country” (Howell 2007) – a phrasing which is repeatedly invoked by DynCorp International and Blackwater (Ballhaus 2009a: 3; Blackwater 2008a; DynCorp International 2013n; Howell 2007; Prince 2007b; Roitz 2009: 4; Taylor 2007). In similar fashion Eric Prince professed motives other than the financial reward for leaving the military and founding Blackwater. He “got out of the military for some […] valid reasons, and trying to give back and make the military better, stronger, faster” (Prince 2007d). From that perspective, Blackwater appears as a fundamentally selfless endeavor, as a “patriotic extension of the U.S. military,” as Jeremy Scahill (2008: 58) observes. This framing links up with Blackwater’s portrayal as an all-American company in which private interests take the back seat to the higher purpose of the state. Serving in a PMSCs required a sense of patriotic duty “above and beyond the scope of [the] contract,” as Blackwater founder Prince affirmed (2007c). If necessary, it implicated the willingness to sacrifice one’s life and well-being to defend state and society. This point is reiterated when PMSCs remind us of the fallen and wounded contractors. Many of them “have been severely injured” (Ballhaus 2009b: 17) while supporting national security objectives in a dangerous environment or, even more, “have paid the ultimate sacrifice serving our country and our company” (Ballhaus 2009b: 3; see also Academi 2009b: 17, 2014; Howell 2007; Prince 2007b; Rosenkranz 2007: 1; Ryder 2009: 11). Their

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